Suchergebnisse

Dimitrije Djordjević, one of the foremost Serbian and Serbian-American scholars, a renowned specialist in the Balkan history of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, was born February 17th, 1922, in Belgrade, Serbia, in what then was the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. He came from a distinguished Belgrade family which gave Serbia important businessmen and, on the maternal side, renowned scholars and generals. In his own words, he had a "cozy, protected childhood and adolescence in pre-World War Two days". He learnt French from his Swiss governess, took English lessons from an early age, mastered German at school and subsequently learnt Russian to be able to fully pursue his research. In his productive life, which spanned most of the twentieth century, Djordjević, a respected Belgrader, a Westerner devoted to European values, experienced all manner of hardship, from the terrors of war and post-war persecutions to his strenuous struggle to earn a place in the academic world. A supporter of the Serbian Cultural Club, an elite patriotic organization which was founded on the eve of the Second World War (1937) and assembled leading Serbian intellectuals under the presidency of Professor Slobodan Jovanović, Djordjević adhered to the antifascist line of Yugoslav politics with youthful enthusiasm and believed in determined resistance to the growing threat posed by Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy. The Serbian Cultural Club was actively committed to defending Yugoslavia against the aspirations of the revisionist powers and, in domestic politics, to advocating the concept "strong Serbia, strong Yugoslavia". ; A Tribute to Dimitrije V. Djordjević. This volume is dedicated to the memory of Dimitrije V. Djordjević, a founding member of the Institute for Balkan Studies in Belgrade

Dans la première phase de la Grande Guerre, les relations entre la Serbie et l'Albanie furent tendues, marquées par les conflits et les disputes territoriales ainsi que par la rivalité avec les autres puissances, surtout l'Autriche-Hongrie et la Turquie, dans l'Albanie, en tant que nouvel État balkanique. Afin de dépasser les conflits et de rétablir l'influence politique de la Serbie en Albanie le Président du Conseil serbe, Nikola P. Pašić, établit les liens proches et stratégiques avec le puissant chef d'Albanie centrale Essad Pacha Toptani. En vue d'élargir le réseau des chefs claniques amicaux à travers les émissaires spéciaux en Albanie, Pašić recruta Ahmed bey Zogou, le chef de la région des Mati et le neveu d'Essad Pacha. Cette étude démontre les différentes phases, avec les résultats mitigés, d'une coopération entre la Serbie et Ahmed bey Zogou, chef de la région Mati (futur roi d'Albanie Zog Ier entre-deux-guerres), destinée d'apaiser l'inimitié des clans albanais contre la Serbie et de créer un cadre de coopération bilatérale plus stable et plus durable. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177011: L'histoire des idées et institutions politiques dans les Balkans aux XIXe et XXe siècles]

Special editions 128. Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts

The Serbian uprising of 1804-13, initially a peasant rebellion against abuses of power by local janissaries, turned into a national and social revolution from 1806. During its second phase (late 1806 - early 1807), Serbian insurgents openly proclaimed their demand for independence. Encouraged by their military achievements, the insurgent leaders began to seek wider Balkan support for their struggle against Ottoman domination. Although its political claims were a mixture of modern national and romantic historic rights, the uprising gave hope to all Balkan Christians that the Ottoman defeat was an achievable goal. For the Balkan nations it was a French Revolution adapted to local conditions: the principle of popular sovereignty was opposed to the principle of legitimism; a new peasant-dominated society was created in which, due to the lack of the aristocracy and well-established middle classes, agrarian egalitarianism was combined with the rising aspirations of a modern nation. Its long-term effects on the political and social landscape of the whole region justified the assessment of the eminent German historian Leopold von Ranke who described the uprising, by analogy with the French example, as the Serbian Revolution.

Kosovo and Metohija, the heartland of medieval Serbia, of her culture politics and economy (1204-1455), experienced continuous waves of spiralling violence, forced migration and colonization under centuries-long Ottoman rule (1455-1912). A region which symbolizes the national and cultural identity of the Serbian nation as a whole now has an Albanian majority population, who consider it an ancient Albanian land, claiming continuity with ancient Illyrians. Kosovo was reincorporated into Serbia (1912) and Yugoslavia (1918) as a region lacking tradition of interethnic and interreligious tolerance and cooperation. The two rivalling Kosovo nations, Albanians and Serbs, remained distant, maintaining limited interethnic communication throughout the twentieth century. The mounting national and ideological conflicts, reinforced by the communist ideology made coexistence almost impossible, even after the 1999 NATO bombing campaign and establishment of KFOR-secured UN administration. Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence in February 2008 is a dangerous attempt to establish a second Albanian state extended into the heartland of Serbia, a failed state cleansed of both Serbs and other major non-Albanian communities.

The members of four generations of the national elite known as 'Parisians' played a prominent role in the political development of modern Serbia. Liberals, Progressives, Radicals and Independent Radicals profoundly shaped the process of espousing and pursuing modern political principles and values in nineteenth-century Serbia. Implementing and creatively adapting French models and doctrines, the 'Parisians' largely contributed to the democratization and Europeanization of Serbia and the eminent place the French influence had in her politics and culture before the First World War.

The Serbian question in Bosnia-Herzegovina was the major obstacle to the stabilization of the semi-colonial, repressive and anti-democratic rule of Austria-Hungary. From the occupation after the Congress of Berlin (1878) until the First World War, the politics of systematic suppression of the Herzegovinian and Bosnian Serbs, especially of their freedom of religion political rights, and cultural development, provoked growing national demands. This conflict of interests, combined with intensified international crisis in the Balkans directly led to the Austrian-Serbian war in 1914. ; Srpsko pitanje u Bosni i Hercegovini, od okupacije 1878. do izbijanja svetskog rata 1914, bilo je u vladajućim krugovima Austrougarske doživljavano kao jedna od glavnih prepreka stabilizovanju njene represivne polukolonijalne i antidemokratske uprave. U politici sistematskog potiskivanja Srba, Dvojna monarhija je zavela niz mera radi suzbijanja njihovog nacionalnog osećanja - od ograničavanja crkveno-školske autonomije i verskih progona do uskraćivanja političkih prava i poricanja postojanja srpskog identiteta nametanjem novog 'bosanskog' kao zajedničkog obrasca za stvaranje nove 'bosanske nacije'. Bez aktivne podrške iz Srbije i Crne Gore sve do aneksije 1908, bosanski i hercegovački Srbi su na serije pritisaka i progona okupacionih vlasti odgovorili borbom za nacionalna prava koja se odvijala u tri sukcesivne faze: borbom za versku i crkveno-školsku autonomiju, političkim organizovanjem i kulturnim uzdizanjem i na kraju revolucionarnim aktivnostima i terorističkim akcijama. Čitav pokret dobio je snažan zamah i široku podršku u narodu zahvaljujući politici okupacionih vlasti, a zatim i nerešenom agrarnom pitanju koje je borbi za nacionalna prava davalo snažnu socijalnu dimenziju. Posle uzastopnih neuspeha da se sukob prevlada, odnos Srba prema vlastima Dvojne monarhije, posebno posle represivnih mera uvedenih nakon aneksije i uvođenja vanrednog stanja posle Balkanskih ratova, neminovno je vodio u eksplozivan sukob u kojem će se sukobiti Austro-Ugarska i Srbija. Sam atentat u Sarajevu 1914, doživljavan je kao logična reakcija na vanredno stanje, ukidanje srpskih institucija i seriju veleizdajničkih procesa protiv omladinskih i patriotskih društava.

Dans la première phase de la Grande Guerre, les relations entre la Serbie et l'Albanie furent tendues, marquées par les conflits et les disputes territoriales ainsi que par la rivalité avec les autres puissances, surtout l'Autriche-Hongrie et la Turquie, dans l'Albanie, en tant que nouvel État balkanique. Afin de dépasser les conflits et de rétablir l'influence politique de la Serbie en Albanie le Président du Conseil serbe, Nikola P. Pašić, établit les liens proches et stratégiques avec le puissant chef d'Albanie centrale Essad Pacha Toptani. En vue d'élargir le réseau des chefs claniques amicaux à travers les émissaires spéciaux en Albanie, Pašić recruta Ahmed bey Zogou, le chef de la région des Mati et le neveu d'Essad Pacha. Cette étude démontre les différentes phases, avec les résultats mitigés, d'une coopération entre la Serbie et Ahmed bey Zogou, chef de la région Mati (futur roi d'Albanie Zog Ier entre-deux-guerres), destinée d'apaiser l'inimitié des clans albanais contre la Serbie et de créer un cadre de coopération bilatérale plus stable et plus durable.

As a new force on the political scene of Serbia after the 1903 Coup which brought the Karadjordjević dynasty back to the throne and restored democratic order, the Serbian army, led by a group of conspiring officers, perceived itself as the main guardian of the country's sovereignty and the principal executor of the sacred mission of national unification of the Serbs, a goal which had been abandoned after the 1878 Berlin Treaty. During the 'Golden Age' decade (1903-1914) in the reign of King Peter I, Serbia emerged as a point of strong attraction to the Serbs and other South Slavs in the neighbouring empires and as their potential protector. In 1912-13, Serbia demonstrated her strength by liberating the Serbs in the 'unredeemed provinces' of the Ottoman Empire. The main threat to Serbia's very existence was multinational Austria-Hungary, which thwarted Belgrade's aspirations at every turn. The Tariff War (1906-1911), the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina (1908), and the coercing of Serbia to cede her territorial gains in northern Albania (1912-1913) were but episodes of this fixed policy. In 1991, the Serbian army officers, frustrated by what they considered as weak reaction from domestic political forces and the growing external challenges to Serbia's independence, formed the secret patriotic organisation 'Unification or Death' (Black Hand). Serbian victories in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) enhanced the prestige of the military but also boosted political ambitions of Lt.-Colonel Dragutin T. Dimitrijević Apis and other founding members of the Black Hand anxious to bring about the change of government. However, the idea of a military putsch limited to Serbian Macedonia proposed in May 1914 was rejected by prominent members of the Black Hand, defunct since 1913. This was a clear indication that Apis and a few others could not find support for their meddling in politics. The government of Nikola P. Pašić, supported by the Regent, Crown Prince Alexander, called for new elections to verify its victory against those military factions that acted as an 'irresponsible factor' with 'praetorian ambitions' in Serbian politics. This trial of strength brings new and valuable insights into the controversial relationship between the Young Bosnians and the Black Hand prior to the Sarajevo assassination in June 1914.